خلاصة:
After 2014 Russia is seen powerful enough again to influence the Mediterranean region and change the passive defensive policy, practiced after the USSR’s dissolution, for active one. Analysis of attempts to squeeze Russia out of the Black Sea region shows the main strategies elaborated in the early 2000s by the leading US thinktanks.
After 2014 Russia is seen powerful enough again to influence the Mediterranean region and change the passive defensive policy, practiced after the USSR’s dissolution, for active one. Analysis of attempts to squeeze Russia out of the Black Sea region shows the main strategies elaborated in the early 2000s by the leading US thinktanks.
Authors give the geopolitical landscape of the region: 26 countries are classified into powers (actors) and objects for the realization of national interests of the former. Special attention is paid upon Turkey, Greece, Israel, France, Italy and Spain (with Gibraltar issue). The processes and balances that define Russia’s geopolitical interests in the Mediterranean region are seen in interconnection with the intentions of military and political leaders of the region detached on the basis of the geopolitical methodology. A variant of the “Russian balance” is offered as prospective to realize Russia’s national interests in the region.
پس از سال 2014، روسیه به اندازه کافی قدرتمند دیده می شود تا بتواند ضمن تغییر دادن سیاست دفاعی منفعل در منطقه، که پس از انحلال اتحاد جماهیر شوروی پیگیری می شود، در منطقه مدیترانه به عنوان یک بازیگر فعال تأثیر بگذارد . تجزیه و تحلیل اندیشکده های پیشرو ایالات متحده نشان می دهد، استراتژیهای اصلی روسیه از اوایل دهه 2000 در راستای کاهش اثرات تنگنای دریای سیاه شروع شده است. نویسنده چشم انداز ژئوپلیتیکی منطقه را نشان می دهند: که در آن 26 کشور برای تحقق منافع ملی گذشته به (بازیگران) قدرت و موضوعات طبقه بندی می شوند. توجه ویژه ای به ترکیه، یونان، اسرائیل، فرانسه، ایتالیا و اسپانیا (با موضوع جبل الطارق) شده است. روندها و موازنه هایی که منافع ژئوپلیتیکی روسیه را در منطقه مدیترانه تعریف می کند، در پیوستگی اهداف رهبران نظامی و سیاسی بر اساس روش ژئوپلیتیکی مشاهده می شود. در انتها نوعی از "موازنه روسی" آینده نگر برای تحقق منافع ملی روسیه در منطقه ارائه می شود.
ملخص الجهاز:
From 1990s to 2000s the Black Sea region was one of the key issues both in the scientific and practical agenda of the leading American institutions: Harvard University, the Council on Foreign Relations, the National Defense University, the Brookings Institution, the Center for Strategic and International Studies, the German Marshall Fund of the United States, the Institute for Foreign Policy Analysis, the Heritage Foundation, etc.
3. Research Structure The research demonstrates some definite stages: firstly, the problem of the Russia's current position in the Mediterranean region is discussed; secondly, the concept of the Russian Greater Mediterranean that would consider its geopolitical landscape, aims and resources of the state is defined; thirdly, actors and objects within the region are seen from the point of view of possible balances; and finally, the focus is made upon prospects and constrains for Russia taken into consideration various types of limitations.
But even on the lower level of the foreign policy there is a clash of the 116 Geopolitics Quarterly, Volume: 15, No 4, Winter 2020 regional interests of Ankara and Moscow (the Turkish leadership concept in the Sunni Islamic world may endanger Russia's integrity, Turkey's integration activity within the Cooperation Council of Turkic-speaking countries contradicts Russian interests in the South Caucasus and Central Asia, the Turkish policy in the Near East, especially on the Syrian issue, is unacceptable from the point of view of the Russian foreign policy).