خلاصه ماشینی:
Following Bottomore (1992), we may make a useful distinction between "formal" and "substantive" citizenship: the former being simply defined as "membership in a nation state" and the latter as "an array of civil, political, and especially social rights, involving also some kind of participation in the business of government" (ibid.
British legislation and sentiments have moved citizenship policy from an open demotic concept of citizenship towards one based on an ethnic-state concept, Second, Britain and other European countries ended postwar recruitment of migrant labor to service the national economy and provide a malleable and cheap labor foree in the l 970s via strict immigration control (Hammar 1990; Layton-Henry 1990).
Moreover, if we move from a general consideration of citizen rights to a discussion specifically dealing with those social rights relating to the provision of education, health care, welfare benefits, and housing, then we rapidly encounter a problem: How are we to identify the welfare "needs" of Muslim communities in Europe?
As Modood stated in a broad generalization: That South Asian Muslims in Britain form a virtual underclass there cannot be much doubt; throughout the 1980s, of the nine non-white groups identified in the 'Labour Force Survey', Pakistanis and Bangladeshis have suffered the highest rates of unemployment, have the lowest number of educational qualifications, and the highest profile in manual work; and this is true in each respect not just for women but also men, and not just for the middle-aged (the first generation) but also the young.
While welfare needs are socially produced, the attempt to make use of welfare provision by members of Muslim communities in Britain is all too often defined in ethnic terms by state agencies.