Abstract:
مسلمانان دکن از زمان ورودشان به این منطقه به دو گروه اجتماعی آفاقی و دکنی تقسیم شدند. آفاقیها مردمانی بودند که از ایران و عراق به دکن رهسپار شدند. همچنین آفاقیان با توجه به اینکه اهلعلموادب بودند و به لحاظ اقتصادی مرفه و یا متوسط بودند به سرعت در لایههای اجتماعی شهری دکن نفوذ کردند. بدینترتیب در دربار حکومتی مناصب حساسی در اختیار گرفتند. از اینرو با مسلمانان بومی و محلی که معروف به دکنی بودند پیوسته در رقابت بودند. با تاسیس حکومت بهمنیان و حمایتهای آنان از آفاقیها مهاجرت این گروه به منطقه دکن شدت یافت. مساله اساسی در این پژوهش، آن است که مناسبات آفاقیها و دکنیها در حکومت بهمنیان به چه عواملی مربوط بوده است؟ یافته های پژوهش بر این اصل استوار است که علاوهبر سیاست سلاطین نخستین بهمنی، اهل علموادب بودن آفاقیها، نفوذ در دربار بهمنی موجب قدرتگیری آفاقیها گردید. از این منظر این عوامل موجب برانگیختهشدن دکنیها و درنهایت قتلعام و سرکوب آفاقیها شد. این پژوهش به روش توصیفی – تحلیلی سامان یافته است.
Introduction Unlike the northern India, the land of Deccan located in the southern India came late into the attention of the Muslim forces. It was during Khalajians which Muslims victoriously entered Deccan via the northern India. Later, under Muhammad b. Taghlaq (725-752H) almost the entire Deccan fell to the Muslims. Muhammad built a great empire ruling from the northern to the southern India. It was, however, soon undermined and was divided into several local and regional dynasties in the last decade of Muhammad’s rule. The first such dynasty was Bahmaniyan. Since the shahs of this dynasty claimed a Persian lineage going back as far as Persia’s ancient shahs, they sought to take Persians into Deccan. These emigrants constituted the main political structure and administrative system of the Bahmaniyans. Due to the dynasty’s inclination to Shia Islam, many Shiite Arabs also immigrated to the region following the footsteps of the former group. One may see many appellations of Persian or Shiite origin amongst the notables and ministers of the state – names like Gilani, Mazandarani, Ardestani, Sistani, Kermani, Badakhshi, Ghazwini, Astarabadi, Hamedani, Samarqandi, Tabrizi, Shirazi, Qumi, Mashhadi and Karbalai, among others. They indicate these migrants’ impact on the political and social life of the period. The impact made the Bahmaniyan kings notice these people, other Shiites and those called sayyids – which in Muslim societies indicates people from the Prophet’s lineage – who had immigrated from other regions to Deccan (Sadeghi, 2017, p. 98). Since Afaqiyans were assigned important state positions, they were in constant conflict with the indigenous Muslims who were known a Deccanians. The rivalry and conflict between these two racial groups are noted as one of the most important issues of Bahmaniyan period. The most important reason behind doing this research is to shed light on the Afaqiyan and Deccanian relations. To this end, the socio-political developments of the Bahmaniyan period should be examined. Afaqiyans’ tendency towards Shia Islam in that period is another significant reason for carrying out this research. Finally, the significance of this research lies in there being religious conflicts between Afaqiyans and Deccanians and the social domination of each group under Bahmaniyan rule. This study tries to understand the Afaqiyan-Deccanian relations under Bahmaniyan which constitute the most fundamental matter in this historical period. The main research question is ‘What factors played a role in Afaqiyan-Deccanian relations?’ The hypothesis pivots on the fact that earlier Bahmaniyan kings’ attention to Afaqiyan and this group’s economic and social power played a role in the Afaqiyan-Deccanian relations. Research method Given the nature of the study, the method employed here is descriptive-analytical. First, by drawing on the first-hand, primary sources, the historical data are extracted and categorized according to the chronological and thematic order delineated in the initial plan. Then, the Afaqiyan-Deccanian relations under Bahmaniyan are analysed in view of these groups’ socio-political position and the historical data gathered at the first stage. The grey areas in their relations are thus explained in simple terms. Discussion The socio-political history of Deccan under Bahmaniyans boils down to the history of Afaqiyan-Deccanian conflicts. From the outset, the Bahmaniyan kings had a stake in inviting Persians and using Afaqiyan in myriad positions. Firuz Shah welcomed the immigration of more Persians and Afaqiyans into Deccan, trying to strike a balance between this group and Deccanians (Tabataba, 1936, p. 41; Ghauri, 1975, p. 165). However, the Persian immigration reaches its climax during Ahmad I’s rule (Aziz-Ahmad, 1988, 28). Having seized the throne through the efforts of his foreign friends, particularly the Persians (Freshteh, 1884, Vol. 1, p. 322; Tabataba, 1936, p. 48 & 54), Ahmad I transferred the capital city from Gulbargeh to Bidar in a bid to form a new community whose main element would be Afaqiyans (Mustawfi, 1961: pp. 30-43) and inviting Persians, especially the well-known family of Sufi order – Shaykh Neʿmatullah Wali – to Deccan (Tabataba, 1936, p. 65; Fereshteh, 1884, Vol. 1, p. 329). The impact of Afaqiyans and especially the Persians on all aspects of social, political and cultural life of Deccan caused the impact of other groups, not least the Deccanians, gradually fade into insignificance. Ahmad I also thought highly of Shiite Muslims and sayyeds who migrated to Deccan from Iraq and other Arabic-speaking regions. He took a step for Afaqiyans: amassing an army consisting of Afaqiyans and assigning them to significant positions. Firuz Shah and Ahmad I, nonetheless, tried throughout their rule to strike a balance in power between the two conflicting parties. During their rule, therefore, no account of conflict between them can be found due to the policy adopted by the shahs. The open animosity between Afaqiyans and Deccanian, however, begins in the time of Ahmad II who was not so tactful as his predecessor. His hardcore pro-Afaqiyan policy caused the Deccanians to be jealous and irritate about the king’s treatment of the former (Fereshteh, 1884, Vol. 1, p. 332; Tabatab, 1936, p. 83). Instructing the Afaqiyans to be on the king’s right hand and Deccanian on the left, he instigated a sedition (Fershteh,1884, Vol. 1, p. 332). This order angered Deccanians and, thereafter, they did whatever they could to fight their rival, which caused the decimation of many Afaqiyans at the behest of the shah (Fereshteh,1884, Vol. 1, pp. 334-336). He, however, regretted this and appointed Afaqiyans to important positions and punished the other group. It is indicative of the fact that Ahmad II modified the policy of parity and marginalized the Deccanians. At the beginning of his successor’s rule, Afaqiyans, being harshly treated by the shah, staged a coup against him. Although suppressed by the successor, Humayun Shah (Tabataba, 1936, pp. 88-94), the coup indicates that they were so powerful that they demanded the power that be implement the same policy adopted by Ahmad I and Ahmad II. Despite all this, the shah appointed Mahmud Gawan of Afaqiyans as minister. Conclusion Mahmud Gawan’s time in office, an upshot of the policy of power balance between the two conflicting parties, brought about a period of relative peace which lasted throughout Humayun Shah’s and Muhammad Shah’s periods. Towards the end of Muhammad Shah’s time, nonetheless, the popularity of Khawjeh Gawan and of the actions he took rekindled the traditional Afaqiyan-Deccanian enmity (Makki, 1910, Vol. 1, p. 165; Tabataba,1936, p. 95; Shahab Hakim, 1968, p. 91; Razi, 1961, Vol. 1, pp. 56-57). Mahmud Gawan was, therefore, killed in a conspiracy organized by Deccanians, at the behest of Muhammad Shah. Thereafter, Deccanians ruled the roost till the end of Bahmaniyan’s rule. One reason behind the fall of the dynasty was the conflict between these two groups – a conflict that was handed down – after the Bahmaniyan – to the local Shiite states like ʿAdel Shahian, Nezam Shahian and Qutb Shahian (Muqim Heravi, n.d., Vol. 3, pp. 26-65; Razi, 1961, Vol. 1, pp. 60-67). The whole conflict between these groups took a long time to form, a full treatment of which is not possible in this brief study. 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Machine summary:
بررسي مناسبات آفاقيها – دکنيها در دوره حکومت بهمنيان ١-ليدا مودت ٢- علي سجادي چکيده مسلمانان دکن از زمان ورودشان به اين منطقه به دو گروه اجتماعي آفاقي و دکني تقسيم شدند.
سپس با توجه به موقعيت اجتماعي و سياسي آفاقي ها و دکني ها و با استفاده از اطلاعات تاريخي به دست آمده از منابع ، به تحليل مناسبات آنان در دوره حکومت بهمنيان پرداخته مي شود و زواياي تاريک و مبهم اين مناسبات مورد بررسي و تبيين قرار مي گيرد و با شيوه اي روشن و رسا به رشته تحرير کشيده مي شود.
تاج الدين فيروز به قصد تامين کارگزاران دستگاه حکومتي و نظامي خود و نيز براي رويارويي با سلاطين دهلي، سياست جلب گروه هاي مهاجر از سرزمين هاي ديگر را در پيش گرفت و همه ساله با فرستادن کشتي به ايران و عراق ، از اميران و کارشناسان و هنرمندان و اهل علم وادب و عرفان دعوت ميکرد که به دکن آمده ، به دربار او ملحق شوند.
٢-١-٢- صف بندي آشکار ميان آفاقيها و دکنيها سياست احمدشاه ولي بهمني –احمداول - (٨٢٥-٨٣٩ق / ١٤٣٦-١٤٢٢م ) در خصوص حمايت از آفاقي ها و پيشبرد اين سياست به دست جانشين او علاءالدين احمددوم (٨٦٢-٨٣٩ق /١٤٥٨- ١٤٣٦م ) پيش درآمد رويدادهاي مهمي بود، که در نيمه دوم قرن پانزدهم و نيمه اول قرن شانزدهم در دکن به وقوع پيوست .
کدورت ها و اختلافات ميان اين دو گروه چندين سال بود که وجود داشت ؛ اما اين دستور موجب گرديد که دکني ها دست به قتل عام آفاقي ها بزنند و آنان را از قدرت دور سازند.